Maryland, My Maryland? Jefferson Davis and the Maryland Campaign of September 1862

Confederate soldiers splashing across the Potomac River in early September 1862 jubilantly bellowed out the tune “Maryland, My Maryland” as they marched into the Old Line State. Just months earlier, with the war escalating around the Confederate capital of Richmond, this feat seemed impossible. As the Southern army placed its collective foot on the soil of Maryland, one of the Confederacy’s early war aims was about to be realized.

Recognizing Maryland’s status as a border state caught between North and South, the Confederate Congress issued a series of resolutions on December 8, 1861 about the state’s status and their desire to join it with their fledgling nation. “[I]t is the desire of this government, by appropriate measures, to facilitate the accession of Maryland, with the free consent of her people, to the Confederate States,” the Congress resolved. Confederate successes in the summer of 1862 now made this goal a possibility.

Despite the joyous mood of the Confederate soldiers entering Maryland, Robert E. Lee, commanding those soldiers, remained skeptical that Maryland’s citizens would return the favor in kind. “I do not anticipate any general rising of the people in our behalf,” Lee wrote President Jefferson Davis on September 7. The general sought Davis’ assistance days before, requesting that the President send former Maryland governor and Southern supporting exile Enoch Lowe to rouse Marylanders to the Confederate cause.

Himself excited by Confederate fortunes north of the Potomac River, Davis told Lee to issue a proclamation to the people of Maryland declaring “the motives and purposes of your presence among them at the head of an invading army.” The President then listed out a blueprint of eight resolutions and statements Lee could draw from for the proclamation he ultimately issued on September 8.

Jefferson Davis’ enthusiasm for Confederate advances in the summer of 1862 did not end with the stroke of his pen, however. Seizing on Lee’s request for Enoch Lowe to aid the Confederate effort in Maryland, President Davis decided to accompany Lowe to the Potomac River as far north as Leesburg. Perhaps Davis could join his troops in Maryland next.

A “special train” carrying Davis and Lowe left Richmond on September 7 and made its way to Rapidan Station, where Davis notified Lee of his journey. Davis’ September 7 correspondence with Lee is unfortunately lost to history. Thus, his true intentions in traveling north are unknown. Southern newspapers theorized the purpose of Lowe’s visit, though: “placing Maryland within the political association of the Confederate States.” Correspondents in Richmond could only surmise what the departure of Davis truly meant.

Robert E. Lee also could not divine Davis’ reasons for heading north. Regardless, the general did not believe Maryland was a good place for his commander-in-chief. “While I should feel the greatest satisfaction in having an interview with you,” Lee said, “I cannot but feel great uneasiness for your safety should you undertake to reach me.” The trek would be “very disagreeable,” the general warned. It would also expose Davis to the risk of capture by Federal patrols ranging throughout northern Virginia. Exercising extreme caution in this case, words alone on paper would not do for Lee. To further convince Davis of the dangers plaguing his northern excursion, Lee sent his staffer Walter Taylor to intercept the President before he reached Leesburg.Taylor departed the Confederate camps outside Frederick, Maryland at midday on September 9. That night, he slept at the Harrison home in downtown Leesburg, which served as Lee’s quarters shortly before crossing into Maryland. Walter Taylor reached Warrenton on September 10 and found that his journey was for naught: Davis turned around on September 8, headed back to the Confederate capital.

Enoch Lowe continued his efforts to bring Maryland into the folds of the Confederacy even though Davis no longer traveled with him. It is possible that Walter Taylor met Lowe and the two traveled to Winchester together. From the Shenandoah Valley town, Lowe continued to champion Maryland’s supposed dormant Confederate sympathies. “He said Maryland, long disappointed, had been perfectly taken by surprise on the entrance of our army, and that when it was seen to be no mere raid, 25,000 men would flock to our standard, and a provisional government would be formed,” wrote one eyewitness. The lofty goal of 25,000 Marylanders rising to fight under the Confederate banner never materialized, as Lee predicted. Perhaps as few as 200 men signed up with the Army of Northern Virginia. The Confederate foray into Maryland failed to fulfill Southern hopes for a fourteenth star on its flag.

Confederate efforts to bring another state under the country’s flag came off on October 4, 1862 in Frankfort, Kentucky but did not amount to much except a great deal of fanfare. Southerners held similar hopes for Maryland, but their dreams fizzled before there was a chance. The Charleston Mercury quickly denounced Davis’ trip north as nothing more than “merely for recreation and to have a quiet talk with the Governor [Lowe]. If Lowe is to be proclaimed Provisional Governor, it is to be hoped the people will rally to him, and our army keep in front of him, otherwise the affair will resemble the Provisional Government of Kentucky, which was rather a farce, tending to alienate rather than encourage the inhabitants.”

Establishing a provisional government in Maryland, it turned out, was the least of the Confederacy’s worries in the Old Line State in September 1862 and the Southern nation’s dreams of enticing more states to its cause and expanding its boundary to the Mason-Dixon Line never came to fruition. Maybe September 1862 represented the best odds for that to happen, or perhaps by then it was a foregone conclusion and Jefferson Davis, Enoch Lowe, and the Confederate Congress were only whistling into the wind.

A Leg of Stuart’s Ride: The Clash at Linney’s Corner and Death of William Latané

A Freeman Marker related to Stuart’s Ride Around McClellan south of Haw’s Shop along Totopotomoy Creek

After speaking at the old Museum of the Confederacy on Friday afternoon, I spent this past weekend with family in Richmond. Clear skies and temperatures in the 70s gave way to cold rain Saturday and snow that evening (there was a coating  on my truck Sunday morning). Despite the weather, I did take an opportunity to get out and do a little battlefield tramping, or driving. While I did not have time to follow Stuart’s Ride Around McClellan in its entirety, I focused on the area south of Haw’s Shop which witnessed the only major fighting during the expedition and the birth of a Southern myth.

On June 13, 1862, a day after Brig. Gen. James Ewell Brown “Jeb” Stuart left the outer defenses of Richmond on his famous ride, a squadron from Col. William Henry Fitzhugh “Rooney” Lee’s 9th Virginia Cavalry clashed with elements from the 5th U.S. Cavalry under Lt. Edward Leib. The commander of the 5th U.S., Capt. William Royall had dispatched Leib from the regiment’s camp at Old Church to picket the roads and watch for enemy activity in the direction of Hanover Court House.

Leib reached the outskirts of Hanover Court House that morning and observed Stuart’s column. He immediately sent a courier back to Royall for orders and withdrew to Haw’s Shop. Royall subsequently directed Leib to return to camp. The Federals had not gone far when some of Leib’s pickets warned of Confederates passing through Haw’s Shop. Leib immediately formed his men south of the road and dispatched a contingent under Lt. William McLean to the south bank of Totopotomoy Creek.

Lt. William Robins’s squadron from the 9th Virginia led Stuart’s advance. Initially stopped by Leib’s troopers, Capt. Samuel Swann’s squadron came to Robins’ aid and managed to push the 5th U.S. back across the stream.

Leib and McLean reformed their men on high ground near Linney’s Corner. Joined by Royall, they awaited the inevitable Confederate advance. Reaching the front, Stuart ordered Capt. William Latané’s squadron of 9th Virginia forward. The ensuing charge broke Royall’s line, leaving the Union captain wounded and Latané dead, struck in the chest by four bullets.

This historical marker stands along the ridge near the area where 5th U.S. Cavalry reformed after being driven across Totopotomoy Creek

Latané, a native Virginian, was born on January 16, 1833. In the fall of 1851, he entered the University of Virginia to study medicine, however, he eventually transferred to Richmond Medical College and graduated in 1853. At the outbreak of the war, Latané was elected third lieutenant in the Essex Light Dragoons, which eventually became Company F of the 9th Virginia Cavalry. Earlier that spring, Latané was elected the company’s captain.

When the smoke and dust had settled around Linney’s Corner, Latané’s body was taken by his brother John to Westwood, the home of Dr. William Brockenbrough. With her husband serving in the Confederate army, Dr. Brockenbrough’s wife, Catherine directed John to the home of her niece, Summer Hill. There, Latané was interred and remains in the family cemetery. A Freeman Marker, along with a headstone stand at Latané’s final resting place. The cemetery, however, is inaccessible to the public and Summer Hill is a private residence. Please respect owners’ rights.

Summer Hill

Latané’s death and burial soon became part of Confederate and Lost Cause lore. John R. Thompson penned a poem about the event which appeared in the July-August issue of Southern Literary Messenger. Late in 1864, Richmond artist William Washington had locals and members of Mrs. James West Pegram’s School for girls model for The Burial of Latané. After the war, The Southern Magazine distributed a copy of work to each yearly subscriber. “By pen and brush”, reflected William Campbell, a member of  Latané’s old Company F, his former commander was “enshrined…in the hearts of the people of our Southland that it will endure as long as men are admired for devotion to duty and and for risking their lives upon the perilous edge of battle in defense of homes and country.”

Assigning Blame at Drewry’s Bluff: Whiting and Ransom

Pierre G.T. Beauregard

Emerging Civil War welcomes back guest author Sean Michael Chick

When General P.G.T. Beauregard attacked Major General Benjamin Butler at Drewry’s Bluff on May 16, 1864, he intended to win a great victory. The plan was for Butler to be pinned in place by an attack led by three divisions. The divisions were led by Major Generals Robert Hoke and Robert Ransom and Brigadier General Alfred Colquitt. Ransom, who was expected to crumple Butler’s exposed right flank, was the crux of the main attack. While this happened, a fourth division, led by Major General William Chase Whiting, would attack Butler’s rear. In Beauregard’s words Butler would be “environed with three walls of fire.”[1]

Ransom and Whiting were peculiar choices for Beauregard to rely upon. Ransom was an old cavalry officer who had spent much of the war leading infantry, including a brief stint under General Robert E. Lee as a division commander. Since 1863, he was a commander in the Richmond defenses. He was troubled by ill health and was generally fussy.

Whiting was a great engineer, but an erratic field commander. In 1861 he served on Beauregard’s staff, most ably at Fort Sumter. However, he complained about his fellow officers in a letter to Jefferson Davis, which led to his removal. General Joseph Johnston restored him to command of a division but his record was spotty. Whiting was again removed. By now his star had fallen. Mary Chesnut, among his last admirers, wrote in May 1864, “Lucifer, son of the morning! How art thou fallen!”[2]

Ransom opened the battle by attacking Butler’s right flank in the midst of a fog. He managed to overrun Brigadier General Charles Heckman’s brigade, but took heavy losses. Colonel William R. Terry’s brigade alone lost over 300 men out of 700 engaged. Brigadier General Archibald Gracie lost three of his regimental commanders. Even worse, Gracie and Terry saw their brigades dissolve into a mob.

Map of operations at Bermuda Hundred and Drewry’s Bluff, Virginia, May 1864. (See sources for citation).

The rest of Ransom’s division fared worse than Terry and Gracie. Colonel William G Lewis’ regiments were hampered by telegraph wire strung around tree stumps. On May 15, the Federals had taken spare wire to create a kind of proto-barbed wire; it was effective in breaking up the Confederate attack. Lewis asked Ransom for orders. Ransom told him to attack further to the left, which likely led to a gap developing in Lewis’ attack line. Colonel Birkett D. Fry’s brigade came in through the gap, but both brigades were defeated.

By 6:00 am, Ransom’s attack had stalled and by 7:30 a.m., the Union line had reformed. His failure to press the attack and reorganize his men meant many wasted their bullets in desultory long range firing. Around 9:00 a.m., the fog lifted, but Ransom cautioned against another attack.

As the morning wore on, Hoke and Colquitt were committed to the battle, each mauling the Union lines but failing to make much headway. Beauregard’s offensive had stalled, although he remained optimistic. The plan though hinged on Ransom. Once his thrust faltered, the attack unraveled into an unequal shoving contest.

Benjamin Butler

It appeared Butler had won the day, but the Union high command was unraveling. Starting at roughly 7:45 a.m., Major General William F. Smith began a withdrawal to Half-Way House. Gradually, Butler fell back to Proctor’s Creek. During the retreat Hoke made several local attacks that severely mauled the Union lines.

Lewis tried to prompt Gracie and Terry to attack, but they told him they had orders to stand in place. At 10:00 a.m., Beauregard met with Ransom, who believed his division was again ready to strike. Instead, Beauregard called off the attack. Beauregard’s hopes now rested with Whiting.

Whiting moved out of Petersburg at around 5:00 am with about 5,000 men. Confronting Whiting was Brigadier General Adelbert Ames with the 13th Indiana, 169th New York, Battery E 3rd US Artillery, and part of the 1st USCT Cavalry. They held the ridge near Ashton Creek between the Old Stage Road and Richmond Turnpike. Whiting shelled Ames who was reinforced by the 97th Pennsylvania and 115th New York.

Whiting occupied Port Walthall Junction at 11:00 a.m. but his attack stalled. Whiting had not slept in days and he was concerned for the safety of Petersburg. Due to an acoustic shadow he could not hear the fighting at Drewry’s Bluff. Furthermore, he was possibly drunk, but more likely suffering from alcohol withdrawals. Whiting withdrew and at noon sent Brigadier General Dearing north to form a junction with Beauregard.

Despite the errors of Ransom and Whiting, Drewry’s Bluff was a Confederate victory since Butler withdrew back towards Bermuda Hundred. Yet, many considered it a lost opportunity. Colonel Alfred Roman of Beauregard’s staff wrote “The day was ours. Butler’s army was driven back, hemmed in, and reduced to comparative impotency, though not captured.”[3] Beauregard, although upset he did not win a greater victory, surmised, “The communications south and west of Richmond were restored. We had achieved the main object for which our forces had encountered the enemy.”[4]

In the Rebel camp, Whiting received the most blame. Thomas R. Roulhac of the 49th North Carolina later wrote “…the hand of Fate had penned the decree of our defeat; but of all those [blunders] which contributed to our downfall, that of…Whiting, on the afternoon of May 16, 1864, was one of the most glaring and stupendous.”[5] After the war, Lewis surmised that “Had General Whiting advanced from Petersburg as ordered, there is no doubt we would have captured Butler’s entire army, which would have enabled General Lee to take Beauregard’s army…and attack Grant’s army, with almost a certainty of defeating him.”[6] Brigadier General Henry Wise was convinced Whiting was drunk and Jefferson Davis believed him. Whiting never again held a field command.

To be fair, what Whiting could have accomplished with two infantry brigades with a limited supply of ammunition, remains unclear. Butler could have marched around Whiting’s small division unless Whiting had occupied Ware Bottom Church, which was close to the Bermuda Hundred lines. Whiting could have turned the tide of battle, but he also had a small force and lacked good intelligence. Whiting was uneven commander given a difficult task.

William H.C. Whiting

Whiting conferred with Beauregard at the Winfree House at noon. Beauregard described Whiting as “thoroughly downcast” but the meeting was cordial.[7] To his credit, Whiting offered no justifications, but merely asked to be returned to Wilmington. Command was passed to Major General Daniel Harvey Hill and Whiting remained at Petersburg until a replacement was appointed. Beauregard wrote Whiting “I hope, [you] may yet clear your military reputation of the cloud which rests at present upon it.”[8]

By contrast, Beauregard both then and later, heaped most of the blame on Ransom. The two had no close relationship, and it is possible Beauregard was unimpressed with Ransom’s record. On May 10, Ransom fought Butler in a small battle at Chester Station. Ransom lost control of his men much as he had at Drewry’s Bluff. Although no court of inquiry was called, shortly after the battle Ransom was returned to the Richmond defenses. His brother Brigadier General Matt Ransom served under Beauregard but the two had a tense relationship.

Ransom had certainly failed to control his men and he did not make good use of Fry’s brigade, which would have been better served exploiting the destruction of Heckman’s brigade. Yet, Ransom’s defeat had as much to do with Union forces. Although Heckman’s brigade was shattered, they inflicted heavy losses before routing. The rest of Smith’s XVIII Corps easily repulsed Lewis and Fry. Given such an effective defense, Ransom’s chances of crumpling the right flank of an entire corps with his division were slim.

Ransom and Whiting played their part in Drewry’s Bluff, and neither with much skill. Beauregard ended up blaming Ransom, and while he did acknowledged that Whiting had failed they were friends even after. Historians, while hard on both, have generally found more blame with Whiting. Unlike Beauregard and Chesnut, historians have no personal attachment to Whiting, who even his contemporary detractors agreed, was a brilliant engineer.

Sources:

[1] OR, Vol.36, pt. 2, pp. 199-200.

[2] Chesnut, A Diary from Dixie, 307

Sneden, Robert Knox. Map of operations at Bermuda Hundred and Drewry’s Bluff, Virginia, 10th May. [S.l., to 1865, 1864] Map. Retrieved from the Library of Congress, https://www.loc.gov/item/gvhs01.vhs00178/. (Accessed March 29, 2018.)

[3] Roman, The Military Operations of General Beauregard in the War Between the States, 1861 to 1865, 209

[4] Beauregard, “Drury’s Bluff and Petersburg. May and June, 1864,” 258

[5] Thomas R. Roulhac, “History of the Forty-Ninth N. C. Infantry, C. S. A., 1862-’65,” 69

[6] Lewis, Sketch of the Life of W.G. Lewis, 23

[7] Beauregard, Battles and Leaders, 204

[8] OR, Vol.36, Part II, p.1026

A View of Kelly’s Ford

Kelly’s Ford

155 years ago today, Brig. Gen. William Woods Averell’s Union cavalry division clashed with Brig. Gen. Fitzhugh Lee’s Confederate cavalry brigade east of Culpeper Court House. The day long struggle derived its name from a nearby crossing on the Rappahannock River, Kelly’s Ford. That St. Patrick’s Day, the waters which flowed from the Blue Ridge to the Chesapeake served as a point of embarkation from the past and a vision of the future.

Kelly’s Ford was first time the Army of the Potomac’s mounted forces launched an expedition with the sole purpose of engaging the Confederate cavalry. Through the course of the fight, Averell’s troopers established a bridgehead on the south bank of the river and then held their position in the fields adjacent to nearby Wheatley’s Ford against a Confederate counterattack. During this phase of the battle, the Confederates lost Maj. John Pelham, the talented chief of the Stuart Horse Artillery. Averell then pressed Lee back toward a stream known as Carter’s Run. With the sun setting in the western sky, Averell judiciously decided to break off the fight and returned to the north bank of the river.

“The principal result achieved…has been that our cavalry has been brought to feel their superiority in battle; they have learned the value of discipline and the use of their arms,” Averell wrote.

William Brooke-Rawle, the prolific chronicler of the 3rd Pennsylvania Cavalry, which participated in the battle, recalled “the most substantial result of this fight was the feeling of confidence in its own ability which the volunteer cavalry gained. This feeling was not confined to the regiments engaged, but was imparted to the whole of our cavalry. The espirit de corps and morale was greatly benefited. Kelly’s Ford was the making of our cavalry.” D.M. Gilmore, an officer in the regiment recalled after the war that the battle “gave great confidence to our men…the advantage gained at Kelly’s Ford was ever maintained.”

Kelly’s Ford marked the beginning of the ascension of the Union cavalry to a level of superiority over their Confederate counterparts. Without Kelly’s Ford, there would be no Brandy Station, without Brandy Station, there would be no Yellow Tavern, without Yellow Tavern there would be no Trevilian Station. Like a rock tossed into a river, the battle’s ripples spread far and wide through the water.

 

 

 

ECW Weekender: Spot Where A.P. Hill Was Killed

It’s a bold claim to set in stone that you are on the exact spot of a historic event. In 1912 the Sons of Confederate Veterans felt confident enough in their research on the death of Lieutenant General Ambrose Powell Hill to make that statement. I’ve recently written a couple articles sharing new accounts about Hill’s death, discoveries I made after devoting a chapter of Dawn of Victory: Breakthrough at Petersburg to the story of the Third Corps commander’s final ride. Everything I’ve found since 2015 has built on that current accepted interpretation. For all I know Corporal John Mauk’s minie ball did strike Hill at the exact location that is claimed, but it can be a tricky place to find.

The thirty-nine year old Virginian began the morning of April 2, 1865 at the home of James M. Venable, a local mill owner, where Hill kept his personal quarters with his pregnant wife Dolly and two young children. Today the site is a Pepsi plant at 1501 W. Washington Street on the city of Petersburg’s western end. Kept awake by the sound of an overnight artillery barrage, Hill dressed at about 3 a.m. and crossed the road to the Third Corps headquarters at the widow Isabella Knight’s residence, “Indiana,” marked now by an Exxon gas station.

Accompanied by several couriers, of whom I’ve finally found better source material, Hill rode to Robert E. Lee’s headquarters at the William Turnbull house, “Edge Hill,” (the Walgreens at 26036 Cox Road, North Dinwiddie). Along the way he was alerted to the Union breakthrough of his corps’ lines (at today’s Pamplin Historical Park). Upon reaching the Turnbull House, Hill met briefly with Lee and James Longstreet before riding due south toward the Thomas Whitworth house (on the grounds of today’s Central State Hospital). That structure, “Mayfield,” still stands but was relocated further to the east as the psychiatric facilities expanded.

Hill then rode southwest along Cattail Run, shedding his companions as he traveled until only Sergeant George Tucker remained as an escort. He hoped to reach the division headquarters of Major General Henry Heth at the home of Zadok Wilson Pickrell, the “Century House.” That renovated structure still stands as a private residence on the south side of the intersection of U.S. Highway 1 and Virginia Highway 671 (today the latter is called Brownwall Road but its brief stretch follows the original bed of the historic Boydton Plank Road).

The two mounted Confederates remained hidden in the woods along Cattail Run until they reached a point nearly due north of Sheriff John W. Harmon’s house (burnt down postwar) at the intersection of Duncan Road with the plank road. They broke for the open and were intercepted at the end of a small meadow by Corporal Mauk and Private Daniel Wolford. Hill’s objective, the Century House, was still about nine hundred yards further southwest, though Heth had long since vacated the headquarters and Federals milled throughout the yard. Further brashness by Hill and Tucker placed them into a showdown where they were outgunned by the Pennsylvania infantrymen. Nevertheless, Wolford shakily began to lower his rifle musket when the Confederates demanded their surrender. Mauk refused to capitulate in the hour of ultimate Union triumph at Petersburg. The pair fired and Mauk’s bullet struck Hill, instantly killing the commander. Wolford’s aim was not as steady and Tucker survived to inform Lee (and the now-widowed Dolly) of Hill’s death.

Tucker’s escape also offered historians the opportunity to utilize primary accounts of the event from both perspectives. The Sons of Confederate Veterans relied on the descriptions of Mauk and Wolford when gathering evidence in the early twentieth century to place two markers to note the site of Hill’s death. (Newspaper articles from 1888, 1890, and 1903 all say the site had been marked in each of those years, but the SCV undertook an extensive study in 1911 to confirm and properly designate the location.) In the tradition of placing markers along areas of high transit, the A.P. Hill Camp, Sons of Confederate Veterans placed their memorial to Hill at the intersection of Boydton Plank Road and Duncan Road. Hill’s widow and children attended the unveiling ceremony in April 1912.

The memorial’s text is not favorable to Mauk and Wolford. Though the two Pennsylvanians charged and broke through the Confederate fortifications that morning, personally pried up several rails of the South Side Railroad (a designated secondary objectives of the assault), and evenly matched Hill and Tucker in number during their standoff, the SCV inscribed them in history as merely “a small band of stragglers.” The stone still stands at the intersection. Visitors can turn onto Duncan Road and then park in an unpaved lot behind the marker.

Site of A.P. Hill’s death, click on image for full size (map by author)

Across Route 1 is a sign first placed in 1929 by the Virginia Historical Highway Marker Program denoting “Where Hill Fell.” As parking along the highway or crossing the road from the SCV memorial is not advisable, the text reads: “In the field a short distance north of this road, the Confederate General A.P. Hill was killed, April 2, 1865. Hill, not knowing that Lee’s lines had been broken, rode into a party of Union soldiers advancing on Petersburg.” (Every reliable firsthand Confederate account I’ve read acknowledges that the commanders at Edge Hill were aware of the Breakthrough when Hill departed to learn just how bad the situation had deteriorated on his front.) The worn sign was most recently replaced in 2015.

Thanks to the preservation efforts of the Civil War Trust who acquired the property, visitors have the ability to continue on to the actual location according to the SCV who placed an additional small granite marker in 1912. From the Route 1 marker, turn south onto the highway and then immediately turn right onto A.P. Hill Drive into the Sentry Woods subdivision. Turn right onto Sentry Hill Court and then drive to the back end of the neighborhood. Visitors may park on the shoulder next to the Civil War Trust boundary signs and follow the short trail downhill to the “Spot Where A.P. Hill Was Killed.”

As the map indicates, development is starting to sprawl down the Route 1 corridor from Petersburg into Dinwiddie County. The once rural landscape may one day contain only pocket battlefield parcels as the county modernizes. Nonetheless, in their own way, the three markers note Hill’s death in the immediate aftermath of the Breakthrough at Petersburg on April 2, 1865. Did I mention there are three burial sites as well… for another weekend trip.

Gettysburg’s Famed Pickett’s Charge is Reimagined by Civil War Trust and Hirshhorn Museum

Check out this neat announcement from the Civil War Trust. In a different kind of preservation, preserving the memory of Pickett’s Charge, the Trust looks at a contemporary interpretation of the famed nineteenth-century  Gettysburg cyclorama. Keep reading to find out more about this project.

“Now on display in Washington, D.C.’s Hirshhorn Museum is internationally acclaimed artist Mark Bradford’s “Pickett’s Charge.” Bradford’s painting is a contemporary interpretation of French artist Paul Philippoteaux’s 1883 cyclorama at Gettysburg National Military Park, which the Civil War Trust recently brought to life in the painting’s first-ever, annotated, 360-degree video.”

Want more information on the 360-degree video? Click here.